Two previous waves of rioting under Emmanuel Macron carried clear policy demands. Anger was firmly focused on France’s president. Today’s rioting was neither aimed at him, nor politically organised
. Anger was firmly focused on the president. Today’s rioting was neither aimed at Mr Macron, nor politically organised.concentrate poverty, ill-staffed schools and gang rule in remote city fringes: a grim realisation of life on society’s periphery. Yet billions of public money has gone into renovating high-rise estates. Metro lines and tramways have been extended to city outskirts, apprenticeships expanded, primary-class sizes halved.
What then was the rioting about? The people who live on the estates of Nanterre repeatedly bring up one complaint: not about jobs nor poverty, nor the mayor, nor Mr Macron, but the excessive use of force by the police, and the sense that residents are singled out for police checks. “Officers need to be trained so that, when there are police checks, they don’t put the life of an under-aged boy in danger,” said Souleymane.
In France, born of revolution, the blazing urban fire carries a symbolic echo. In 1871 the Communards burned down the palaces of Paris., or female arsonists, became notorious. But there is something about the weapon of choice for today’s rioters—the torching of cars and public buildings—that is more of an unstructured howl of defiance, a self-destructive show of power against the forces of law and order.
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