The Scottish National Party’s collapse holds lessons for populists everywhere. The country’s politicians have been on a ten-year holiday from reality
the first part of Britain to get high on populist referendums. In 2014, two years before the Brexit vote, the Scottish independence campaign exhorted people to ignore the experts and revel in a glorious national renewal. The Scottish National Party lost that battle but it won the peace. Since then thehas triumphed in election after election. It has made the intoxicating cause of independence the principal dividing-line among Scottish voters.
And yet Scotland is also stuck. The country remains split down the middle on independence. Even if the chances of another referendum in the foreseeable future are very slim, the simplest electoral strategy for both theand the Scottish Tories, the strongest unionist voice, will be to whip up the prospect for years to come. Theitself has become incapable of thinking beyond the next strategic gambit for divorce.
As with all populism, weaning activists and voters off a habit of constitutional confrontation will require a cultural shift. Every issue is seen through the lens of social outcomes first and implications for growth last. Thehas grown chilly to businesses and made the fuzzy idea of a “well-being economy” the centrepiece of its agenda; its Green coalition partners repudiate the measure ofgrowth.
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