To Americans, the end of the Soviet Union 30 years ago is a done deal. To Putin, it's a catastrophe he longs to reverse.
Although most Latino voters cast ballots for Democrats, as a group their partisan loyalties are less fixed and less predictable than many other Americans. At least for now, Latinos form the essential swing group in U.S. politics.
It was not an encouraging sign. The demands were so extreme that they appeared intended for rejection — or, worse, as a pretext for invasion.Putin has raged against NATO’s steady expansion toward Russia’s borders for more than a decade. He appears to have decided that the alliance’s deepening relationship with Ukraine, which is not a NATO member, is the last straw.
“There is no threat to Russia here,” Fiona Hill, who served on the National Security Council staff under President Trump, told me. His position is weakened by the fact that neither the United States nor any of its allies are willing to go to war with Russia over Ukraine. The U.S. position contains an irony too: NATO doesn’t really want Ukraine as a member, but it doesn’t want to give Putin veto power over who gets to apply. Allowing Russia to dictate limits to NATO defenses in member countries is even less palatable.“There are some concerns on the Russian side that are legitimate,” Steven Pifer, a former U.S. ambassador to Ukraine, told me.
U.S. leaders have known since the Soviet collapse that Russia’s loss of empire would be traumatic. They may not have foreseen that the trauma would persist for 30 years.In her suddenly relevant history of NATO’s expansion, “Not One Inch,” she recounts how Presidents George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton both tried to make a place for Russia in European security institutions and even offered Moscow several forms of affiliation with NATO.
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