Many residents of Kherson held an ambivalence toward the Russians, or even an affinity, and that means undoing eight months of Russian occupation will not be easy.
A few days after they fled, however, the building was in disarray. Papers were strewn about. Glass windows and doors were shattered, and a ripped sign for Putin’s political party lay on the floor.But amid the debris remained signs of a concerted attempt to curry favor with locals. Children’s backpacks featured a cheery Russian teddy bear sailor urging kids to “stay the course.” Crayon drawings showed smiling stick figures atop Russian tanks and warships with the words “United Russia.
Some residents said they were swayed by billboards and social media posts promising that a Russian passport would enable them to obtain medical care or a Russian pension worth four times as much as their Ukrainian one. The officials gathered in small groups to discuss bread deliveries and repairs to the electrical grid. But again and again, the conversation turned to collaborators. Of the nine councilors before the invasion, five had conspired with the Russians, she said. One, a wealthy real estate magnate, was appointed mayor. The real mayor was still missing.
In May, Russian-appointed officials visited and said that the college, like Kherson, was “Russian now.” When Ivanovka and others objected, they were fired and barred from campus. On July 21, Russian security agents visited her home and confiscated her passport, phone and computers. “She would send texts saying, ‘Aren’t you afraid you’ll start your car and it’ll explode?’” Kucher said, adding that he ignored the threat.
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