I took a leading part in the effort to bring about a populist GOP. Yet the Republican Party remains, incorrigibly, a vehicle for the wealthy.
I should have known better. Two decades earlier, just before I turned 14, my mother and I had emigrated from Iran to the United States. We landed in northern Utah, of all places, home to the relatives who had helped us obtain our green cards. My parents' divorce in the old country, combined with a brutal exchange rate, led to straitened circumstances initially.
My own sense of vulnerability returned when I became a dad. My son, Max, was born in London, and while theoffered private coverage, routine care routed through the National Health Service. Each time my wife and I confronted the illnesses of early childhood, we received decent, humane care from the NHS. And there would be nary a copay, let alone a scary bill.
Converting to Catholicism in 2016 pushed the problem of economic justice even further to the forefront of my mind. Right-wing Catholics in my circles had long sought to blend the faith with Paul Ryan-style market fundamentalism. But the more I drank in papal teaching, the less tenable that synthesis appeared. The same moral logic that inspired in me a horror of abortion and euthanasia also inveighed powerfully against the exploitation of the many by the few.
One grimly eye-opening episode for me was the administration's approach to commercial-arbitration in the workplace. Originally intended to mediate disputes between merchants of relatively equal bargaining power, the 1925 Federal Arbitration Act has been steadily expanded by mainly conservativejustices since the 1980s, corralling labor complaints into secretive, privatized"courts" where employers set the rules, and workers are unlikely to prevail.
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