Utah's Supreme Court heard arguments about what standards they can apply to Utah's political district maps this week. So what standards can we apply to those maps, and how do they stack up?
From Princeton to Proposition 4, the analytics and axioms reveal strengths and weaknesses in our current maps.
The big question is: what standards do we choose for our district maps? Let’s dig in to the different standards we can choose for redistricting maps — how they apply to Utah’s map, as well as the court case being decided now.The Princeton Gerrymandering Project’s mission statement is simple: “We bridge the gap between mathematics and the law to achieve fair representation through redistricting reform.” In short, they look atin order to try to decide which maps are fair and which ones aren’t.
• Good maps should avoid racism. In short, don’t be like Alabama, who put nearly all of its Black-majority precincts into one district to minimize their voting power; the Supreme Court voted those maps down in June. To measure this, Princeton compares Black, Hispanic, and other minority populations in each district — if there are big differences, that might be bad.
It also fails another Proposition 4 test: partisan favoritism. Proposition 4 said that the Legislature may not divide districts in a manner that “purposefully or unduly favors” a political party or candidate. This map, evenBut here’s the big question: does any of that matter? The map is already law, and has already been used in one election. The only way something changes between now and 2030 is if the judicial system — and in particular, the Utah Supreme Court — decides otherwise.
The Legislature’s argument is this: there’s no judicially manageable standard for these maps to be called illegal. The Utah Constitution
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