The confrontation between America and China already amounts to a form of undeclared cyber-war
went the first satellite to orbit Earth, the primitive Sputnik 1, launched in 1957. No matter that it could do little else. That Soviet communists had won the first space race sparked an American crisis of confidence. This had useful effects. Abroad, America strengthened such alliances as. At home, vast sums were poured into science. The Sputnik crisis felt like a loss of innocence—the enemy was overhead. But the actual Soviet threat had not changed much.
Strategists talk about the difference between capabilities and intentions. Alarm at China is eroding that distinction. When the-China Economic and Security Review Commission, a congressional oversight panel, held a hearing on China’s space programmes last month, a Pentagon representative, William Roper , noted that the commission was really asking whether America is in a strategic competition with China in space. “I hope you conclude ‘yes’,” he told them.
Chinese experts suspect unseemly panic. After all, America tested its first anti-satellite weapon in 1959, and most of China’s space feats, from manned flight to the creation of a network of navigation satellites, were pulled off by America decades ago. America has changed, a lot. The National Security Strategy of 2006 declared that America “seeks to encourage China to make the right strategic choices for its people, while we hedge against other possibilities.” Theof 2017 calls engagement mostly a failure, and charges: “China seeks to displace the United States in the Indo-Pacific region, expand the reaches of its state-driven economic model and reorder the region in its favour.
International-relations scholars call the most lethal forms of misunderstanding a “security dilemma”. It can arise when one state takes defensive actions which are mistaken for acts of aggression by another, making all sides less safe. America and China risk such dilemmas today, especially in novel fields of competition.
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