In the history of American politics, one fact distills the nation's enduring suspicion of cities: Voters have never elected a sitting mayor to the presidency.Americans have seldom embraced anyone who's even touched the job. Calvin Coolidge was the last president, one of just three in 230 years
Michael Bloomberg, the former mayor of New York and a potential Democratic presidential candidate, speaks at the Christian Cultural Center, a predominantly black megachurch, in Brooklyn, Nov. 17, 2019.
But the political map is shifting, too. As the Democratic Party cedes rural voters to Republicans, Democratic candidates closely tied to cities face fewer obstacles building a primary coalition. And in a general election, where the country’s urban-rural divide has grown sharper, more suburban voters are joining that coalition, too.
For Buttigieg, too, such dire details are worth telling because they are the backdrop of his story, not the point of it. Thomas Jefferson believed that the rural farmer was the ideal of the American citizen. William Jennings Bryan preached something similar a century later. “Burn down your cities and leave our farms, and your cities will spring up again as if by magic,” he said in his 1896 “Cross of Gold” speech. “But destroy our farms and the grass will grow in the streets of every city in the country.
“A lot of them said that: ‘Why on earth would I want to do anything else?’” said Katherine Levine Einstein, the study’s lead author and also a political scientist at Boston University. “If you get to be a mayor of a city of over 100,000, it’s a pretty big job. You have a fair amount of control. And you get to live in your home.”
“It was very much a battle between city and country, and country completely obliterated city,” Gamm said. Hoover carried 40 states. “But Obama-McCain was also a city-country campaign to some extent, and city won.”
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